91色情片

Indigenous Climate Action

How can Indigenous Climate Action and other environmental organizations participate in and uphold appropriate engagement and representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in climate policy?

釔嬦枀釕拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釚 釔呩暀釕︶憥釗愥搨釕 | Positioning ourselves

This work is being conducted by Indigenous Climate Action (ICA), an Indigenous-led organization that works to support Indigenous communities in reinforcing their place as leaders in driving climate change solutions. Our current programs are designed to empower Indigenous communities to take action on climate change and to nurture the development of community-led solutions that are rooted in Indigenous knowledge and practices.

This identified research need comes from conversations our organization has held with Inuk relatives through informal engagements with ICA鈥檚 steering committee and advisory council. This case study provides ICA the opportunity to engage in a healthy critique of our own work, particularly in the area of our Project (DCP), which 鈥渁ims to investigate the shortcomings and problems associated with Canadian climate policy while at the same time supporting, and developing Indigenous-led climate policy (ICA, 2024)鈥. 

This case study serves as an opportunity for ICA to look inward on our research methods and ethics process. It is a stepping stone for future work on better engagement processes with Inuit, and will inform DCP 3 and other relevant work.  

釕曖挭釗愥搰 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釚戓敧釚 釔娽悈釗氠憰釔呩摢釗椺搨 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 (ICA), 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘搫釕 釗晽釗曖枀釕曖悈釗摋釗 釕庒挜釔呩敧釚 釔贬斁釘憥釚冡枀釕愥搨 釔冡懖釘枀釕愥悆釗傖晲釖 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗勧搰釗曖枏釗愥搨釕 釔呩斁釘ㄡ晥釗贬摃釚呩憥釖冡懖釗愥搨釚呩憪釖嬦懄 釗晽釗曖枀釕庒悈釘晢釔娽杻釙愥搨釚忈搻釗傖懄 釔娽敪釔呩晢釗傖晲釖 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔嬦枀釕拫釔娽晥釕曖悈釖嶀搻釗囜枀釕愥搨釕. 釖搻釗囜拑釕懄 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釕︶摯釚佱憥釙椺懄 釗瘁搰釘悈釗挭釘懄 釗瘁櫛釗曖枀釕庒懄釗拫釔娽晢釗傖晲釖 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗勧搰釗曖枏釗愥搨釕 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒拫釗椺拲 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔 釕庒拲釗拫釔娽枀釕庒懄釗摢釗椺憥釗摋 釔贬暀釗摃釔娽憥釕︶摨釗傖晲釖 釗勧搰釗曖杻釚呩憪釗勧摢釗 釗晽釗曖枀釕曖悈釘搨釕 釚冡搫釚呩憫釙堘憥釚冡晲釗椺憥釕 釕愥櫟釙曖杻釚呩憪釗傖懄 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釚冡悈釘ㄡ挭釘憪釚冡枏釗愥搨釕 釔贬摃釙嗎斁釘摨釕愥杻釚忈搻釗傖摢釗.

釕曖挭釗愥搰 釗囜摋釗囜悆釚呩憰釔呩摨釖敧釚 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憰釔呩拫釔娽杻釙愥搨釚撫搨 釔贬摨釖敧釚 釔呩杻釚冡憥釖屷拲釕曖悈釚冡懄釕曖枀釗挭釘搨釕 釕庒挜釚佱憥釕︶憥釗愥搫釕 釕册憥釕庒懄釗摢釗椺憥釕 釔冡搫釗愥搨釕 釔冡摎釖屷懄釕愥搨釕 釕栣拑釕搨釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釕册憥釖敤釙嬦摏釚忈搻釗勧懄 釔娽捇釖摋 釔呩杻釔呩斁釘ㄡ拫釔娽晲釗傖晲釖п懄 釕册憥釖敤釚忈搻釗.  釕曖挭釗愥搰 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憰釔呩搨釚 釔贬晻釕︶摯釚冡枀釕庒懄釗敧釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕︶摨釗傖晲釖 釙酷挜釙愥晥釘悈釗椺搨 釚冡搫釚 釔嬦枀釕拫釔娽枀釕愥懄釗瘁悈釖会挭釚斸枀 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釙嗎摨釖敪釙椺懄, 釔贬摋釔娽枀釕愥挜 釔冡摋釗曖杻釚呩憪釕 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釙嗎摨釖敪釕︶憥釗愥搨 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釕︶憥釗愥搨 (DCP), 鈥溼憪釙屷拹釚冡枀釕愥搨 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙嗎悐釙堘憥釚冡晲釗傖晲釖 釔贬憰釚冡櫛釗椺悐釚呩摨釖敧釗傖懄 釔贬搰釔冡摋釕曖晥釚呩摨釖敧釗傖摢釗 釔娽懄釕愥悐釗傖杻釚呩憪釗 釚冡搰釕曖悈釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憥釖嬦摨釖敪釚忈摢釗, 釔娽憰釔呩懄釗懐釕︶摯釔冡搻釗囜枀 釔冡懖釘枀釕愥悆釗摋釗, 釔贬暀釗摃釔娽憥釕︶摨釗摋釗曖斁; 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘搫釕-釗晽釗曖枀釕曖悈釘搨釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憥釚冡晲釗傖晲釖 (ICA, 2024)鈥. 

釕栣搻釗 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憰釔呩摨釖敧釚 釔贬晻釕︶摯釚冡晢釔娽枀釕庒懄釗晽釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釕庒挜釚佱憥釚撫搻釗 釕曖懐釖嬦悐釙愥摋釕庒懄 釔冡捇釖メ搫釕 釚冡搫釚 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憥釚冡杻釕︶憰釙愥挭釚斸懄釕 釔娽捇釖摋 釖摃釕︶憰釔呩拫釔娽摃釗愥搨釕 釔娽憪釔娽拹釚冡懄釗悐釙嬦摋釔娽晲釖枖釕︶憰. 釔娽摢釗椺晢釔娽晲釙曖懄釗瘁悈釗摋釗 釗晽釗傖懄釗瘁憥釗愥搨 釔贬搰釗贬悐釚冡憥釚冡懄釗悐釗傖枀釗瘁悈釗椺憰 釔冡搫釗愥搨釕, 釔冡摋釗摃釚呩憪釔冡拲釕曖悈釗傖悐釙嗎摢釗椺搨 DCP 3 釔娽捇釖摋 釔娽摨釚忈搻釗

釗勧悆釕庒懄釗拫釔娽櫟釔呩憥 | Introduction

We know that different environments create different contexts in which the climate crisis unfolds. Consequently, responses to the climate crisis vary across Indigenous communities due to socio-economic, geopolitical, cultural and historical factors.

Indigenous Peoples and communities have been and continue to be structurally excluded from the creation and implementation of Canada鈥檚 current climate policy framework. This violates our right to self-determination as well as the right to free, prior and informed consent, which is the inherent 鈥渞ight Indigenous communities have to decide 鈥榶es鈥 or 鈥榥o鈥 to all proposed developments that may affect the collective rights of their communities (What is FPIC, n.d.)鈥. In Phase 1 of Decolonizing Climate Policy, we highlighted the federal government’s failure to uphold commitments to a Nation-to-Nation and Inuit-Crown relationship, citing examples of violations of Indigenous Peoples鈥 right to self-determination and free, prior and informed consent in the drafting of the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change as well as the Healthy Environment and Healthy Economy plan.

Inuit have been and continue to be actively engaged in mitigating the impacts of climate change on their lands despite their structural exclusion from federal climate policy development. The purpose of this study is to uplift the richness and validity of Inuit ways of knowing, and amplify the importance of Inuit perspectives in climate policy. There are clear lessons to be learned from the shortcomings of current engagement practices and approaches to policy. Inuit have articulated their own priorities for policy and engagement, providing valuable information and guidance. ICA, along with other ENGOs, can and should learn from these insights to facilitate better, more grounded research and the policies that this research informs.

This exploratory background work is vital to understand how Indigenous Climate Action can participate in and uphold appropriate engagement and representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in climate policy. We begin by outlining some of the barriers faced by Inuit to participating in climate policy. We then learn of how Inuit are responding to these barriers. Finally, we explore how we can move forward in the equitable inclusion of Inuit perspectives in climate policy as comrades working towards the shared vision of climate justice. 

The goals of the case study are as follows:

  1. Develop an understanding of Inuit approaches to climate policy throughout Canada according to their own teachings, laws and worldview. 
  2. Seek and support recommendations that ensure Inuit rights, worldviews and laws are equitably represented in ICA鈥檚 Decolonizing Climate Policy Project. A sub-objective of this goal is to encourage other environmental organizations and orders of government to undertake similar efforts. 
  3. Strengthen the relationship between Indigenous Climate Action and Inuit living in Inuit Nunangat. 

釚冡悈釘ㄡ挭釙椺拲釕 釔娽斁釘ㄡ拰釞贬搻釗傖杻釚呩憪釕 釔娽暀釕忈懄 釔娽斁釘ㄡ拰釞贬懄釕戓憥釗傖懄 釔娽憪釚呩惛釗摃釔娽捇釖憰 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄. 釔贬斁釘憥釖嬦摢釗椺拲, 釕悈釘踞敧釕庒懄釗瘁摃釔娽晢釘悈釗挭釘懄 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘杻釕庒拰釗 釔娽斁釘ㄡ拰釞贬搻釗傖杻釗摏釘枀 釔贬斁釘憥釖嬦摢釗椺拫釕 釔冡搮釚冡憥釖屷懄釕愥懄-釕搰釔呩敪釗曖悈釙堘搻釗囜晲釗傖枏釕, 釗勧搰釚忈憰 釖愥暀釖搫釕 釔娽悈釗氠憰釔呩搨釚忈懄, 釔冡摃釚呩懐釗杻釚冡憥釖屷櫛釗愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔娽捇釖摋 釔娽斁釘ㄡ拰釞贬懄釕愥搨釕 釔娽憫釕庒摨釖搨釚忈搻釗傖懄.

釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釔娽捇釖摋 釗勧搰釗曖枏釕 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕曖悈釞贬搻釗囜摃釖枀釕愥懄 釔嬦枀釕摫釚呩摨釖敧釕庒拲釗摋 釔冡摎釔冡搻釗堘枀釕曖悈釗摋釕庒懄 釗瘁搰釘悈釗傖枏釗愥搫釕 釔娽憪釗曖枀釕庒憰釔呩暀釗摃釔娽搨釚忈搻釗傖摢釗 釕册搰釕曖悈釕 釗摎釖 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖晲釖п懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悐釙嗎暀釕︶憰釚忈搻釗勧懄. 釕曖挭釗愥搰 釗杹釖メ懄釗搨釔呩敧釚 釔贬敧釗愥搰釔呩憥釚冡晲釗傖晲釖 釗囜捇釖メ搨釚呩摫釙堘搻釗囜搨釙愥挧釕 釔贬杻釗悈釗摋釖嶀摢釗 釔贬敧釗愥搰釔呩憥釚冡晲釗傖枀 釔娽懎釚冡櫛釕︶憪釖メ拑, 釗晽釗傖悐釖嶀懄 釕愥懎釗挭釕庒憰釔呩懄釗悐釙愥摋釕庒懄 釔娽枏釙堘憰釔呩拫釔娽杻釙愥搨釚撫搨, 釔贬憱釙嗎摨釖拹釖メ悈釖 鈥溼惐釘搻釗囜悈釕庒杻釙愥搨釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘搫釕 釔娽枏釙堘搻釗囜晲釗椺憥釕 鈥樶悇鈥 釔呩憠釙欋摌釗愥搩釕 鈥樶悑釖♂拹鈥 釔贬暀釗摃釔娽憥釕曖悈釖愥摫釔娽枀釕愥摃釖晲釗傖懄 釔娽懄釕愥悆釗傖杻釙堘搻釗囜枀釕愥搨釕 釔贬敧釗愥搰釔呩憥釚冡晲釗傖枏釗愥搨 釗勧搰釗曖枏釕︶憰 (釗贬搰釔呩搨釚 FPIC, n.d.)鈥. 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釚戓搨釚 釗晽釗摃釙愥挜 (1) 釕庒拲釗拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釚 釔娽悈釗氠懄釗搨釙愥挜 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憥釚冡晲釗傖晲釖, 釔娽摎釖♂拹釔冡拫釔娽拑釕册搻釗傖枀釕庒摎釔呩枀釕曖晽釕 釖愥暀釖憪釚冡拑釕懄 釔娽憪釙愥搨釔娽晲釗傖晪釚呩摨釖敪釖メ搨釕 釖摃釞贬懄釗挭釗傖晢釘枔 釕册搰釕曖摃釖晲釖 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釖愥暀釖憪釚冡拑釕摢釗 釔贬搰釗贬悐釚冡憥釖屷搻釗傖枏釕, 釔嗎懄釕戓憥釚冡枀釕愥枀 釗杹釖メ懄釗摨釖搨釚忈憰 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釔贬敧釗愥搰釔呩憥釚忈搻釗傖懄 釗囜捇釖メ搨釚呩摫釙堘挭釗傖晲釖п懄 釔娽捇釖摋 釔娽懎釚冡櫛釕︶憪釖メ拑, 釗晽釗傖悐釖嶀懄 釕愥懎釗挭釕庒憰釔呩懄釗悐釙愥摋釕庒懄 釔娽枏釙堘憰釔呩拫釔娽杻釙愥搨釚撫搨 釕庒憥釙嬦枀釕曖悈釙欋摢釗曖悐釗傖枔 釕册搰釕曖摃釖晲釖ㄡ枔釘枀 釔贬搰釗贬悐釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔娽憪釔娽拹釚 釗瘁摋釖敧釗傖懄 釔贬晥釚呩惛釗摃釔娽拲釕庒杻釙愥摋釕庒懄 釔娽捇釖摋 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔贬杻釗悈釗摋釖 釚冡搫釔冡櫛釕︶摨釔娽枀釕愥挜 釔娽暀釕庒杻釙嗎悐釚冡晲釗傖枀 釔娽捇釖摋 釕搰釔呩敪釗曖悈釙嬦摫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔羔晲釗囜悈釕庒挜. 

釔冡搫釔冡懄 釔冡摎釔呩杻釕曖悈釚忈搻釗囜枀釕愥懄 釔娽憪釗曖枀釕庒懄釗懄釕曖悆釗曖搨釙愥挜 釔娽懄釕愥枀釕曖悈釖嶀憰釔呩拲釗愥搰釚呩憪釗勧懄 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釗勧搰釚忈搻釗 釗贬搰釖冡懐釕栣捇釖晢釗 釔贬憰釚冡枀釕庒憰釔呩櫛釖冡懖釗椺悐釙嬦挜釕 釖愥暀釖憪釚冡拑釕懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悐釙嗎暀釕︶憰釚忈搻釗勧懄. 釕曖挭釕愥挭 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙嗎悐釙愥搨釔呩憠 釔贬斁釘憥釚 釖懎釕庒懄釗拫釔娽拑釕册搻釗傖晥釖摢釗椺憥釕 釔贬憰釚冡摢釗氠晢釗愥搨釙嗎敪釚撫搨釕 釗堘捇釖懄釗悐釙愥搨釙嗎敪釚忈搻釗傖摢釗 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釔贬斁釘摨釚忈懄 釚冡悈釘ㄡ挭釗傖晲釖п懄, 釔娽捇釖摋 釕愥摯釚呩憥釕︶摨釖嬦悐釖冡懖釗愥搨釙堘挭釗摋釕 釔贬捇釖晢釔呩搨釚忈搻釗傖懄 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釕曖懐釗愥搰釙愥搨釙嗎敪釚忈懄 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釚冡懄釕曖搨釙愥挜.  釕愥懎釗搰釕︶摨釔娽枀釕愥搨釕 釔冡摃釘踞敧釕庒懄釗瘁杻釚呩憪釚 釖搻釗囜拑釕懄 釔贬憰釚冡櫛釗椺悐釙愥搨釚忈搻釗勧懄 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕︶摨釖嬦悐釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔贬摃釙嗎斁釘摨釔呩暀釕︶憪釕 釔娽捇釖摋 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釚呩惛釗摃釔娽搨釙愥挧釕. 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釔呩杻釔呩摨釚冡杻釕︶憰釔冡搻釗囜枀釗挭釘懄 釗囜捇釖メ搨釚 釗晽釗摃釔呩憥釖嶀挭釘晲釖メ搨釕 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙愥搨釙愥挧釕 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕︶摨釖嬦悐釙愥搨釙愥挧釗摋, 釕愥懎釗憥釕︶摨釖嬦悐釚呩憪釕庒懄 釔娽憫釕庒杻釗摎釙嗎懄釕愥搨釕 釔冡挮釚撫悆釙嗎悐釙堘憰釔呩拲釗愥搰釚呩憪釗傖摢釗. 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒枏釕, 釔贬杻釗悈釗摋釖嬦懄 釔娽摨釚忈懄 釔娽暀釕庒摃釙嗎搨釙愥挧釕 釕庒挜釔呩敧釕, 釔冡摃釕︶憪釗愥搰釚呩憪釕 釔冡摃釕︶憰釙嗎悐釚冡枀釕愥憥釗摋 釕曖挭釖冡懐釗傖枔 釔娽悈釗氠懄釗懄釗悐釙愥搨釙愥摯釔呩拲釗愥搰釚佱摢釗椺拫釕 釕册憥釖搨釔呩敧釗傖懄, 釕愥櫟釙曖杻釙愥搨釚呩摯釗傖懄 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憥釚冡枀釔羔摢釗椺憥釕 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憰釔呩搨釔娽枀釕愥搫釕 釔贬斁釘憥釖嬦摢釗椺拲 釕栣搻釗 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憰釔呩敧釚.  

釕曖挭釗愥搰 釙酷挜釙愥晥釘悈釙欋摢釗曖悐釘枀 釕愥懎釗拫釔娽晥釕曖悈釖嶀搻釗囜枀釕愥搨釕 釔贬搰釗贬悐釙堘憥釚冡晲釗傖枀 釔贬捇釖晢釔呩敧釚 釕愥懎釗挭釚佱摢釗椺憰 釚冡搫釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒拫釗挭釘枏釕 釗堘捇釖懄釗悐釚呩憪釗傖懄 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕︶摨釗傖晲釖 釕挕釖愥憪釚呩憰釔呩摋釕庒摢釗 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釚冡悈釘ㄡ挭釘憪釚冡枏釕 釗勧搰釙愥敧釔娽挜釗摋 釕曖懐釗愥搰釙堘摨釚忈懄 釗摎釖ㄡ枔釘搨釕 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憰釔呩暀釕︶憪釗勧懄? 釔贬拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釚呩懐釖嶀懄 釗囜摋釗囜悆釘枀釕愥拫釕 釔冡摎釚忈懄 釔娽惓釚呩憰釙堘憰釔呩暀釕︶憪釕 釔冡搫釗愥搫釕 釔冡摎釔呩杻釕曖悈釗傖晲釖 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙愥搨釙愥挜. 釔冡摃釖嶀憥釖嬦搨釔娽晢釗摋釕庒拲釗摋 釚冡搫釚 釔冡搫釕 釕悈釘踞敧釕庒杻釚呩惛釗摃釔娽捇釖枖釕 釕曖挭釖冡懐釗勧枔 釔娽惓釙堘憰釔呩暀釕︶憪釗勧懄. 釕枒釗摃釙愥惞釙愥挜, 釙酷挜釙愥晥釖嬦悐釙愥搨釚冡枀釕拲釕 釚冡搫釚 釗晽釖п悐釖嬦悐釙堘搻釗囜晲釖枖釕 釔冡摎釔呩憥釕曖悈釕︶摨釔娽晲釗椺憥釕 釗囜摃釖п拰釗愥搨釖冡懐釕 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釕曖懐釗愥搰釙愥搨釙嗎敪釚忈懄 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙愥搨釖 釔贬搰釗贬悐釚冡憰釔呩懄釗悐釙愥摋釕庒懄 釕栣懄釗贬挜釚撫懄釗瘁悆釗愥搰釚 釕曖悈釕愥拹釚冡摃釙愥摋釕庒懄 釗摎釔呩懄 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔嬦枀釕拫釔娽晥釕曖悈釘搫釕.  

釕愥晫釖愥晢釘枏釕 釕曖挭釕愥挭 釚冡悈釘ㄡ摯釙堘憰釔呩敨釕 釖懐釔娽枒釘懄:

  1. 釕愥懎釗暀釗摃釔娽拲釕庒拫釗椺拫釕 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釔娽憪釙嗎悐釚呩惛釕︶憰釚忈搻釗傖懄 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙愥搨釙愥挜 釕册搰釕曖摃釖晲釖 釖摃釗摋釖嬦懄 釔冡摃釗瘁枀釕曖悈釖嶀憥釖嬦摨釖敪釚忈懄, 釔贬杹釘摃釙嗎斁釘摨釚忈懄 釔娽捇釖摋 釗勧搰釙愥敧釔娽晲釖 釕曖懐釗愥搰釙愥搨釙嗎敪釚忈懄. 
  2. 釔冡懖釘枀釕愥枀釕曖悈釖嶀挭釗摋釕 釔贬杹釘ㄡ晽釚斸摃釔呩枀釕庒摢釗椺憰 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釔贬敧釗愥搰釔呩憥釚忈懄, 釗勧搰釙愥敧釔娽晲釖 釕曖懐釗愥搰釙愥搨釙嗎敪釚忈懄 釔娽捇釖摋 釔贬杹釘枏釕 釕挕釖愥憪釚呩憰釔呩懄釗悐釔娽摋釔娽晲釖枖釕 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒拫釗挭釘枏釕庒拲釗拫釔娽晥釕庒杻釙愥搨釚 釔娽悈釗氠懄釗搨釙愥挜 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽憪釔娽拹釗曖悈釙堘憥釚冡晲釗傖晲釖 釔贬摃釙嗎悐釙嗎敪釚撫搨. 釔贬敪釔呩杻釗悈釕庒拲釖捇釖メ敧釚 釕曖挭釕愥挭釗 釕愥晫釖愥晢釘悈釘挜 釕册敧釚忈枀釕愥枀釕曖悈釗椺憥釕 釔娽摨釚忈懄 釔娽暀釕庒摃釙嗎搨釙愥挧釕 釕庒挜釔呩敧釕 釖愥暀釖悈釘摢釗 釕曖悆釖懄釗瘁悆釗愥搰釖愥摎釖 釔贬搰釗贬悐釙堘憥釚冡晲釗椺憥釕. 
  3. 釗瘁櫛釗曖晢釔娽枀釕曖悈釗椺憥釕 釔贬搰釗贬悐釚冡憥釖屷搻釗傖晢釘枏釚 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕翅枀釗挭釘悆釕 釗摎釔呩憠 釔娽摨釘踞敤釔羔摢釗曖悐釗傖枔釗勧懄 釔娽悈釗氠斁釘拫釔娽晥釕庒枏釕 釔娽捇釖摋 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釗勧搰釚冡枀釕愥懄 釔冡搫釔冡懄 釗勧搰釚撫搻釗. 

Methodology

Recognizing the unique geopolitical landscapes, specific histories and diverse cultures that shape Inuit globally, as articulated by Kuakkanen (2007), this study is deliberately focused within Canada. It鈥檚 important to note that the Canadian context differs from that of Scandinavia or Greenland, and these distinctions play a crucial role in shaping the understanding of self-determination across various regions. 

As the only Indigenous-led climate action organization in Canada, ICA bears the responsibility of facilitating meaningful engagement with our kin in the development of our organization offerings so we do not risk mimicking functions of a pan-Indigenous approach to the development of knowledge. Moving away from a Eurocentric discourse and towards one that is rooted in reclaiming, re-storying and researching from our own distinct ways of knowing allows us to nurture and further instill Indigenous worldviews. 

Therefore, we have conducted this research using an Indigenous resurgence paradigm. As Cherokee scholar Jeff Corntassel (2021) suggests, an Indigenous resurgence paradigm reframes colonization by shifting focus away from the State, and instead towards the relationships between Indigenous nationhood, placed-based, and community-centred practices that work to revitalize acts of renewal and regeneration. There is no one approach to resurgence, it is constantly being reimagined and reinvisioned dependent on contextually grounded Indigenous landscapes and seascapes. However, Cherokee scholar Jeff Corntassel points to four interrelated elements that stand out from past resurgent mobilizations and emerging literature (Corntassel 2021, p. 74): 

  1. Centering Indigenous nationhood and land/water-based governance; 
  2. Honoring and practicing relational responsibilities, which form the basis for Indigenous self-determining authority; 
  3. Turning away from the state and decentering the politics of recognition, heteropatriarchy, and settler colonialism; 
  4. Engaging in everyday acts of renewal, remembering, and regeneration.

Our selection of methodology is rooted in the understanding that the need for strategies that are contextually grounded in Inuit ways of knowing cannot be understated. Where are the various sites where we might develop relationships with people or places in the search for knowledge? What do contextually grounded methods of knowledge production look like? These are some of the questions we ask ourselves in the application of an Indigenous resurgence paradigm. 

During this case study, we embarked on a critical analysis of existing literature that is focused on Inuit approaches to climate change. We engaged with a range of sources to develop this understanding, including:

  • federal policies, 
  • Inuit representational organizations, 
  • community practices, and cultural teachings.

In alignment with an Indigenous resurgence paradigm, we largely sought literature focused on relationships between nationhood, placed-based relationships and community centred practices. Geographic application of the literature was Canadian-focused; however, we recognize that organizations like Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK), an international non-governmental organization representing Inuit of Alaska, Canada, Greenland, and Russia are in service of Inuit on an international scale. 

Additionally, we interviewed Inuk participants who were familiar with ICA鈥檚 offerings in order to broaden our Decolonizing Climate Policy work towards ensuring that the rights, perspectives and approaches of Inuit are included and centred. Throughout this analysis, we looked for themes of how the climate crisis is described, the shortcomings of current policies, what values and relations should be emphasized moving forward, and proposed solutions.


Why current policy frameworks pose significant barriers to Inuit participation

The already dire climate crisis is compounded for Inuit living throughout Inuit Nunangat, which is comprised of four regions: Inuvialuit (Northwest Territories and Yukon), Nunavik (Northern Quebec), Nunatsiavut (Labrador) and Nunavut, due to its remote location, unique environmental conditions, and the enduring legacy of colonialism. As such, Inuit are facing exacerbated effects of climate change such as thawing permafrost, melting sea ice, and extreme weather. 

Canada鈥檚 federal climate policy framework continues to pose significant barriers to meaningful engagement of Inuit participation. To begin, the existing federal climate policy framework does not differentiate between northern and southern regions thus failing to create strategies to properly address climate change based on different geographic regions. This is echoed by Inuk woman, Bryanna Brown, who shares:

鈥淭he lack of understanding of how we are living life up in the North is really different from the South. So sometimes, a lot of things are not considered, even, for example, the issues that we have with infrastructure and permafrost, and how that causes difficulty with issues like plumbing and waste management. Or capacity issues in various departments and issues with food insecurity and how that impacts people and their ability to continue working (B. Brown, personal communication, April 4, 2024).鈥

A deeper understanding of the experiences of colonization and how it has manifested differently from Coast to Coast, as well as the subsequent impacts is necessary to support Inuit self-determination. Another evident barrier to meaningful engagement of Inuit participation in the existing federal framework is the tokenistic nature of engagement with Indigenous Peoples, where communities are often consulted as a formality rather than an equal partner in decision-making processes. For example, during the development of the Pan-Canadian Framework (PCF), there was a glaring absence of mechanisms to ensure that the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), ITK, and Metis National Council (MNC) could meaningfully gather input about the PCF Framework on behalf of the Indigenous peoples they are meant to represent (DCP, 2019). As Russel Diabo (2017) highlights, this oversight enabled Canada to mislead the public about the extent of Indigenous Peoples鈥 involvement and created a facade of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). 

Inuit are facing exacerbated effects of climate change such as thawing permafrost, melting sea ice, and extreme weather. 

Another glaring example can be seen in the case of the development of the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan (ERP), wherein the 2023 ERP Progress Report shared that Indigenous Peoples felt that engagement timelines in the 2030 ERP were inadequate and 鈥渉ighlighted the need for their early, meaningful and consistent involvement in federal climate policy and programming鈥 (ERP Progress Report, p. 58).

A phenomenon known as 鈥渟iloing鈥 exacerbates these challenges by prioritizing engagement with Indigenous-led political organizations as opposed to grassroots and community-based ones, which further hinders the participation of Indigenous peoples by excluding vital perspectives. To learn more about existing barriers to Indigenous-led climate solutions, check out our recently released . 


Indigenous Climate Action banner

A collective pathway for engagement in the pursuit of climate justice

Inuit have persistently advocated for the safeguarding of their homelands, waters, and livelihoods through various means including Inuit governance, community-based organizing, and grassroots direct action. This section will delve into these advocacy strategies employed across Inuit Nunangat and underscore the importance of ICA鈥檚 (and other ENGOs) proper engagement with these strategies. 

Inuit representational governance organizations have provided clear pathways and actionable steps to ensure inclusion of Inuit knowledge. In 2019, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami introduced the National Inuit Climate Change Strategy (NICCS) which sought to identify climate priorities across Inuit Nunangat. It provided a starting point for provincial and federal governments, international bodies, and non-governmental organizations to coordinate climate strategies within Inuit Nunangat. The goal was to shape climate policies at local, regional, national, and international levels, promoting Inuit-driven research, policy-making and actions through ethical partnerships that address the unique, pressing and diverse needs (ITK, 2019). 

The strategy highlights actions that focus on increasing accessibility of information through knowledge transfers for and with Inuit, and Inuit-led research. The five main priority areas identified for action are:

  1. 鈥淎dvance Inuit capacity and knowledge use in climate decision-making.
  2. Improve linked Inuit and environmental health and wellness outcomes through integrated Inuit health, education and climate policies and initiatives.
  3. Reduce the vulnerability of Inuit and market food systems.
  4. Close the infrastructure gap with climate resilient new builds, retrofits to existing veils, and Inuit adaptations to changing natural infrastructure.
  5. Support regional and community-driven energy solutions leading to Inuit energy independence (ITK 2019, p. 19)鈥.

While not specifically focused on climate, in 2023, the Inuit Circumpolar Council, the national organization representing the rights and interests of Inuit living in so-called Canada, released The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. This report outlines best practices for researchers, decision-makers and others who are interested in uplifting the interrelated, interdependent, and indivisible rights of Inuit. There are eight protocols:

  1. 鈥淣othing 91色情片 Us Without Us鈥 鈥 Always Engage with Inuit
  2. Recognize Indigenous Knowledge in its Own Right
  3. Practice Good Governance
  4. Communicate with Intent
  5. Exercise Accountability – Building Trust
  6. Build Meaningful Partnerships
  7. Information, Data Sharing, Ownership and Permissions
  8. Equitably Fund Inuit Representation and Knowledge (ICC 2023, p. 14)鈥.

These protocols provide a collective pathway for engagement with Inuit in the pursuit of climate justice, calling for the federal government to approach engagement with the recognition that Inuit have a right to self-determination that must be respected within the context of any climate program, policy or service that is delivered in their territory (ITK, 2019). Furthermore, it highlights that the voices and perspectives of Inuit Elders, women, youth, children, and persons with disabilities must be centred in climate initiatives (ITK, 2019).

During our discussion together, Bryanna Brown highlighted the benefits of a unified front among Inuit representational organizations. Inuit representational organizations have cooperative mechanisms in place that Brown believes offer a promising avenue for effective climate policy integration, because they facilitate seemingly quicker decision-making processes (Personal Communication. April 4, 2024). 

However, quicker decision-making processes are not beneficial if they are not inclusive of all community voices, which is often the case in Crown-Inuit relationships where representation often just consists of affiliates from political organizations. One of the Inuit youth interviewed felt that inclusive engagement should extend beyond political organizations: 

 鈥淭he people that should be included are the ones that live in the community and experience the changes first hand. It鈥檚 not about who is there but who is not there at decision-making spaces鈥 (M. Dicker, Personal Communication. April 5, 2024).

For instance, youth, who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change, are often excluded from decision-making processes. Youth bring gifts, knowledge and insight that is vital to addressing the climate crisis. It is imperative that we empower them to be active participants. To do so, we must go beyond inviting them to the decision-making tables, and ensure that their perspectives are valued and implemented in subsequent actions. 

Grassroots and community organizers have vital perspectives because of their place-based nature. Establishing a connection to place is integral to truly understanding the impacts of the climate crisis: 鈥淚f people aren’t experiencing something first hand, or don’t have a connection to a place鈥hey’re not experiencing the same things. It could be easier to brush it off or just think like it’s happening (M. Dicker, Personal Communication. April 5, 2024).鈥 

Examining engagement strategies produced by Inuit representational organizations highlights the importance of ICA and other ENGOs employing inclusive approaches to engagement and decision-making. Complementing this policy review with interviews shows how it can be hard to ensure the right voices are being included in the engagement process, despite specific calls to prioritize perspectives of Inuit elders, women, children and youth in the ITK engagement strategy. By embracing the protocols while recognizing the barriers to their successful implementation, organizations like ICA can be more mindful about their engagement pathways to ensure they contribute to more effective and inclusive efforts towards Inuit-led climate justice. 


The path forward

The biggest threats to actualizing Indigenous-led climate solutions and land rights are ongoing systems of colonization, inadequate funding and supports, and a lack of dissemination of critical information directly to communities. Essentially, there is a failure to uphold free, prior, and informed consent by keeping communities disconnected and upholding processes of research done on our communities rather than by or for our communities. There is a clear information gap, lack of funding and access to decision-making spaces that leaves our communities in a deficit, which adds an overwhelming layer of complexity to advancing our solutions. 

The biggest threats to actualizing Indigenous-led climate solutions and land rights are ongoing systems of colonization, inadequate funding and supports, and a lack of dissemination of critical information directly to communities.

As outlined above, Inuit have taken the time to lay out the groundwork for us in how to effectively engage with Inuit on climate policy. We must respect and honour this work by engaging with it and applying it to our approach. 

The path forward for ICA in the inclusive representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in our work requires that we do so through a contextually grounded approach. This requires recognition and respect of the unique socio-economic, geopolitical, cultural and historical factors they are faced with. It involves fostering inclusive engagement of Inuit at all levels, from all lived experiences. ICA has and plans to commit to this work through the following actions and initiatives: 

Actualize Inuit rights through increased knowledge development and sharing 

ICA is currently undergoing a revamp on their research methods and ethics process. This case study is a stepping stone for future work on better engagement processes with Inuit, and will inform DCP 3 and other relevant work.

Centre Inuit knowledge systems by continuing to centre best practices, include marginalized voices and counter misinformation

Research risks serving as a tool for advancing various forms of economic and cultural imperialism by shaping and endorsing unjust power relations (Smith, 2019). Indigenous knowledge is often seen as secondary to the perceived validity of Western knowledge, leading to its misappropriation and exploitation. This sentiment is often reflected in the engagement methods that facilitate researcher’s data collection. 

Indigenous knowledge is often seen as secondary to the perceived validity of Western knowledge, leading to its misappropriation and exploitation.

The legitimacy granted to policies by research underscores the importance of inclusive engagement in the research process. Adopting a contextually grounded approach to data collection includes adopting a contextually grounded approach to engagement, which means going beyond Western ideas of whose voices should be included. For policies to be tailored to local communities they must provide a comprehensive understanding of existing unique challenges and opportunities, which can only come from lived experience.

The process of centering Inuit knowledge systems also requires that we prioritize relations with the land. The structure of ICA鈥檚 Advisory Committee was intentionally made up of representatives from each of the five biomes. Biomes are characterized by their distinct climate conditions and unique combinations of biotic and abiotic features (DCP Phase 2: Part 1, 2023). Our inspiration was derived from our desire to incorporate Indigenous knowledges from different lands and their human and non-human communities. Throughout the colonial project, Indigenous Peoples were put into groupings that stripped us of our relationality to each other, to our non-human kin and to the land. Decision-making processes that draw from local community observations and efforts provide a more holistic understanding of the climate crisis. 

The process of centering Inuit knowledge systems also requires that we prioritize relations with the land.

Support Inuit in developing relevant and effective climate strategies beyond response-based and towards community-driven solutions

Evidently, there is a need for deeper analysis into the potential benefits of contextually grounded approaches to curbing the climate crisis. But the reality is that the funding mechanisms to support this work at the scale that is required are inadequate. Other ways this can be realized are by providing adequate resources and time for Inuit to meaningfully contribute, as well as supporting community-led solutions and local observations of the land.


Conclusion

Through an Indigenous resurgence paradigm, this case study sought to understand how ICA and other ENGOs can participate in and uphold appropriate engagement and representation of Inuit knowledge and worldview in climate policy. 

What we found is that this demands a comprehensive understanding of the unique factors shaping Inuit community, paired with a contextually grounded approach to policy development. By centering Inuit voices, ICA and other ENGOs, can contribute to more effective and inclusive efforts towards Inuit-led climate justice. 

The path forward involves a concerted effort to dismantle structural barriers and fostering inclusive engagement of Inuit at all levels, from all lived experiences. This study serves as a call to action for Indigenous Climate Action and other ENGOs alike, to strengthen their relationships with Inuit, uplift Inuit knowledge systems, and advocate for policies that are grounded in self-determination and notions of free, prior and informed consent.


References (click to expand)

Aporta, Claudio & Bishop, Breanna & Choi, Olivia & Wang, Weishan. (2020). Knowledge and Data: An Exploration of the Use of Inuit Knowledge in Decision Support Systems in Marine Management.

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Canada. (n.d.). Indigenous partnership on climate change. Retrieved from

Corntassel, J. (2021). Life Beyond the State: Regenerating Indigenous International Relations and Everyday. Challenges to Settler Colonialism. Vol. 2021 No. 1 (2021): The Politics of Indigeneity, Anarchist Praxis, and Decolonization.

Indigenous Climate Action. (2023). Decolonizing Climate Policy in Canada, Phase 1. Retrieved from

Indigenous Climate Action. (2023). Decolonizing Climate Policy: Phase 2, Part 1. Retrieved from 

Indigenous Climate Action. (2024). Decolonizing Climate Policy. Retrieved from

Indigenous Climate Action. (2024). Decolonizing Climate Policy: Phase 2 Part 2. Forthcoming.

Inuit Circumpolar Council. (n.d.). 91色情片 ICC. Retrieved from

Inuit Circumpolar Council. (2022). Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. Retrieved from

Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. (2019). National Inuit Climate Strategy. Retrieved from

Kuokkanen, R. (2007). Indigenous self-government in the Arctic: Assessing the scope and legitimacy in Nunavut, Greenland, and S谩pmi.

Smith, L. T. (2019). Decolonizing Methodologies. Bloomsbury.
“What is FPIC?” n.d. Retrieved from